Category Archives: Civil Rights in Scarsdale-Westchester County- New York

All of these articles pertain in one way or another to civil rights issues in Scarsdale, NY and its environs from 1900 to 1963.

The Cockburn Legacy and Northern Jim Crow

The Cockburn Legacy137 501 Fort Hill Road anchor A

This is the story of the Cockburns, who bought property and built a house in Edgemont Hills in Westchester County, New York only to find out they were not legally allowed to reside in it. But that is only part of the story. Joshua and Pauline Cockburn belonged to a unique community of Afro-Caribbean seafarers. They were part of a mixed race community that resided throughout the port cities of The British Empire.

In 1937, an important case involving the validity of racist deed covenants was heard at the New York State Supreme Court in White Plains. The case involved a lawsuit brought against Mrs. Pauline T. Cockburn by Mrs. Marion A. Ridgway of the Edgemont Hills neighborhood in Greenburgh, New York. According to an article in The New York Times dated May 23, 1937, Ridgway sued her neighbor, Pauline T. Cockburn, because Cockburn had violated a common deed covenant attached to neighborhood properties.

The covenant stated that “No part of said parcels shall ever be leased, sold, rented, conveyed or given to Negroes or any persons of the Negro race or blood, except that colored servants may be maintained on the premises.” This covenant is representative of the hostility to the Great Migration by white Americans in the North. In this case scientific racism, the idea that racial qualities are inherent in a person’s blood was used to ensure that no one with any hereditary relationship to Negroes could own or use the property.

Pauline and her husband Joshua belonged to an interracial seafaring community that had developed during the 19th century in dockside areas throughout the British Empire. The nexus of this unique community was located in Liverpool, England, where the Cockburns were married in 1911. On their marriage certificate, Joshua had listed his occupation as Master of Foreign Going Ships. He went on to command a ship in Great Britain’s West African Cameroon Campaign in 1916, and in 1920 had become the first captain of Marcus Garvey’s Black Star Shipping Line. The two men had a serious falling out during the summer of 1920.

According to The New York Times, on March 23, 1923, Cockburn was a witness at Marcus Garvey’s trial when the United States Government charged Garvey with mail fraud. Garvey was jailed and later deported while Joshua Cockburn became a wealthy Harlem real estate operator. Garvey maintained that Cockburn’s stake in his real estate business came from money he had made from illicit transactions while he had served as Garvey’s captain. Newspapers often reported the Cockburn’s activities during the twenties and thirties.

An article in The New York Times reported that Joshua made a $5,000 contribution towards the construction of The Episcopal Cathedral of St. John the Divine in memory of his only son, who had died and been buried at sea. He had done so by donating through the committee of the Episcopal Church of St.Phillip in Harlem. Joshua Cockburn also donated a large silver cup to the New York Tennis Association in 1926, and the Cockburn Cup Tennis matches became an annual interstate tennis tournament in upper Manhattan. They were still being held the year the Cockburn trial took place. The Cockburns were also listed in the society pages of African-American newspapers and the business pages of the New York Times and the Yonkers Herald Statesman. Joshua and Pauline Cockburn established the Pauline Realty Company.

During the late 1930s, Joshua purchased the Old Tree Inn in Yonkers with two female business partners and opened Harlem’s first post-Prohibition liquor store. According to the 1940 census, Pauline Cockburn listed her occupation as “retail liquor,” so it is safe to assume that she worked at or operated the store. At his trial for mail fraud, Marcus Garvey had accused Joshua Cockburn of putting his realty business in his wife Pauline’s name because he had obtained the money for it illegally. The tradition of the seafaring community the Cockburn’s belonged to provides another explanation.

Although The Cockburns had been married in Liverpool they were originally from The Bahamas. West Indian mariners did not have the means to use banks in the larger, often racist communities they resided in. Therefore they developed communal cooperative systems in which they loaned each other money or pooled their money together. The West Indian community in Harlem was renowned for its frugality. According to Marcus Garvey’s second wife Amy Jacques Garvey West Indian families founded cooperatives in which groups of people pooled their money together to buy real estate. A standard practice was for the men to give the cooperative money to their wives who acted as bankers for the cooperative. This might also explain why Pauline Cockburn’s name is the only name listed on the Edgemont Hills Property’s Pauline Cockburn originally purchased the Edgemont Hills property on April 16, 1933. She and her husband Joshua built a $20,000 home there and moved in on December, 31, 1936. Marion Ridgway explained to the press that she thought she had purchased a home in a “very exclusive neighborhood.” Pauline Cockburn was reported by the Times to be “extremely light skinned“. She later testified in court that her mother was Italian and her father had some “Negro blood.” On her marriage certificate Pauline’s father is listed as Ernest Bethel and his occupation was Mariner. The Bethels and Joshua Cockburn were citizens of an interracial seafaring community that did not regard racial differences as a deterrent to a good marriage. It must have been painful for the Cockburn’s to have their identity called into question over a home that they had built on property they had paid for four years earlier. In The United States, a nation that purported itself to be the land of the free, The Cockburns were being charged with purchasing a home in a community where they were only welcome as servants due to their ancestry.

The Cockburns had an excellent defense team. Arthur Garfield Hays of the American Civil Liberties Union was lead counsel; his assistant counsel was a young N.A.A.C.P. attorney named Thurgood Marshall. Their goal was to call into question the fact that the United States had no legal definition of what a “Negro” actually was. Hays hoped to prove that deed covenants were invalid in New York State because the term Negro could not be defined.

On March, 4, 1933, the New York Age reported that Hays had written Walter White, the blonde-haired, blue-eyed secretary of the N.A.A.C.P, to explain why he wanted to try the case:

I do not quite understand why the question has never been raised before, but it is about time that someone raised the point that there are practically no Negroes in The United States. You people call yourselves Negroes just like a lot of us call ourselves Jews, who come from a certain race and belong to a minority group. In other words, we are not willing to desert an oppressed group even if we have the opportunity to do it. Nobody knows what a Negro is, even Negroes themselves, any more than anyone knows what a Jew is, and I’d like to be helpful in getting the courts to do away with artificial distinctions among people of the human race.

In his 1942 autobiography City Lawyer Hays states that, “for illustrative purposes, on the first day of the trial a large number of light skinned Negroes and an equally large number of dark Italians.” His goal was to demonstrate that color alone could not be a determining factor with regard to a person’s race.

Marion Ridgway sought an injunction to force the Cockburns from their home at the New York State Supreme Court on February 1, 1937. Pauline Cockburn was the only person named in the suit because Joshua’s name had not been listed on the deed. Ridgway and her attorney Morris Orenstein asked Judge Raymond E. Aldrich to issue an injunction to prevent the Cockburns from residing at their home in Edgemont Hills.

Indicative of the world situation during the late 1930s, Attorney Hays referenced Nazi Germany. The Yonkers Herald Statesman reported on February 2, 1937, that he had argued, “No one but the Nazis of Germany can be certain about a race.” Jews had been denied their citizenship rights in Germany since 1934. The headline in The Herald Statesman’s stated the goal of the Cockburn’s defense team: “Supreme Court Asked to Rule on Question: What is Negro?”

The New York Times reported February 10, 1937, that Justice Aldrich refused to grant the injunction against the Cockburns, stating that to do so “might very well be a gross injustice.” The trial began in March. Arthur Garfield Hays of the American Civil Liberties Union (A.C.L.U.) was better-known than Thurgood Marshall in 1937. He had participated in the Scopes trial and many other civil rights cases during the twenties and thirties, and Hays was passionate about making the United States Government and its state governments honor the Bill of Rights. His 1928 book Let Freedom Ring detailed the myriad ways those sacred rights were dishonored by state and federal authorities on a daily basis. Hays argued that the Cockburns had every right to live in Edgemont Hills because the plaintiffs could not prove that they were Negroes. Hays believed that the individual and individual rights were sacred. He took the Cockburn’s case because the racist deed covenant attached to their property denied them this sacred right.

Hays and Marshall put Columbia Professor Dr. Otto Klineberg on the witness stand to make their case that the Cockburns could not truly be considered Negroes. According to The Yonkers Herald Statesman of March 23, 1937, Klineberg testified that 70% of the people in the United States classified as Negroes by the census were actually

mixtures of several different races. Morris Orenstein then cross-examined Klineberg. He asked Joshua Cockburn to stand and said, “Would you say this man was a Negro?”

“I would guess he is about three-quarter Negro,” Dr.Klineberg answered.

“Undoubtedly Captain Cockburn has Negro ancestry , but whether he would qualify as a member of the Negro race I could not state and neither do I believe could anybody else.”

Dr.Klineberg then amplified his statement by pointing out that in the same family blood brothers and sisters may differ markedly, some having distinct Negro characteristics and some lacking them almost entirely.

Hays then asked Joshua Cockburn if he thought he was a Negro.

“I don’t know,” Cockburn replied.

Arthur Garfield Hays relates in his autobiography that at that point Justice Lee Parsons Davis turned to Hays, and interjected, “Don’t you think he is trifling with the court, Mr. Hays?”

Hays explained to the judge that he had instructed his client to answer the question in the negative to prove the defense team’s contention that Negro is an uncertain term with no legal basis. Although some Southern states did provide criteria for determining if a person had Negro blood, the state of New York did not.

Justice Lee Parsons Davis was serving his first term as a New York State Supreme Court Justice. He had been a successful attorney for many years. While serving as the Prosecutor for Weschester County he had sent 35 men to the electric chair. After becoming a defense attorney he took part in many celebrated cases during the 1920s.

Two of those trials involved persons of mixed racial backgrounds. In the Rhinelander trial of 1925, Davis had successfully prevented a former maid, Alice Rhinelander, from having to have her marriage to a wealthy New York aristocrat annulled because she was found to have Negro blood. Davis had won the case by having Alice disrobe in front of the all white male jury to prove that one could tell she had Negro blood, if they looked closely enough. Alice Rhinelander’s parents had married in England, her father was dark skinned and her mother was white. Davis later won an annulment trial for a Westchester socialite who had married a baggage handler with Negro blood. In both cases he had successfully argued that one could tell a person of Negro ancestry simply by looking at them.

In the case of Professor Klineberg’s testimony during The Cockburn Trial, Davis said he would reserve judgment. After realizing that his primary argument of “What is a Negro?” had failed to persuade judge Davis, Hays put Norman W. Zaubler, president of the Certified Homes Corporation, on the stand. The Mt. Vernon Daily Argus reported on March 23, 1937 that Zaubler testified that Joshua Cockburn had told him he would surround his home with guns after hearing that the other residents of the Edgemont Hills neighborhood were hostile to his presence there. Hays got Zaubler to admit that he had unsuccessfully bid for the Cockburn’s building contract back in 1933. He asserted that the developer had been responsible for generating hostility towards the Cockburn’s presence in Edgemont Hills out of spite. The New York Times of March 23, 1937 reported that Hays also charged that Marion Ridgway and Zaubler had been involved in an attempt to force the Cockburns to buy more property from them. Residents of the Edgemont Hills neighborhood had packed the courtroom because they wanted to see the deed covenant honored. They asserted that the Cockburns presence would reduce their property values.

Arthur Garfield Hays conceded that this was true, but that other considerations such as the Cockburn’s civil rights under the 13th and 14th amendments should have taken precedent.

In an article in The New York Times, it reported Justice Davis’s 1,600-word ruling on June 8,1937. Davis found for Marion Ridgway on all counts. He found that Pauline Cockburn had not admitted that she had Negro blood when she purchased her property in Edgemont Hills.

Davis found no conflict with the deed covenant and the 14th amendment to the constitution.

He wrote: “There can be no doubt that the defendant is partly “colored.” She considers herself an octoroon; that is , a person with one-eighth Negro-blood. She concedes that she belongs to the “colored race” and has in the past called herself a “colored person.’ Her husband, Joshua Cockburn is concededly a “colored man.” The proof indicates that he has at least three-quarters Negro blood. In every outward appearance he is what would be called, in common speech, a Negro. There is no reflection whatever on the character of either the defendant or her husband, nothing to indicate they are anything other than an entirely respectable couple. The plaintiff brings this action simply to enforce a covenant, and asks an injunction restraining the defendant and others assisting her from using or occupying the premises.”

The law was clear. The deed covenant attached to the Cockburn’s property said that Negroes could only reside there as servants and could not own or otherwise use the property. Since Justice Davis did not agree with the defense team’s argument that the Cockburn’s could not be considered Negroes because New York State had no definition of Negro, the case was lost. Arthur Garfield Hays states in his autobiography that the Cockburns were able to remain in their home in Edgemont Hills. The plaintiffs knew he planned to appeal the verdict and that if he won it would be “ an invitation for colored people to flock to the section involved. Consequently our opponents never entered an order on the judge’s decision and the Cockburns are still living in Scarsdale.” (Although Edgemont Hills is located in Greenburgh it has the neighboring town of Scarsdale’s address and post office).

A 1941 New York Age society page entry states that the Cockburns hosted a New York society couple at their home in Westchester. Joshua Cockburn died in 1942 at the age of 62. In 1946 the Town of Greenburgh got into a dispute with Pauline Cockburn over its desire to build a sewer line on a corner of her Fort Hill Road property. She asked for $2,000, but the town refused and “began condemnation proceedings.” An easement was listed in the land records for Westchester County in 1946. In 1949 the Town of Greenburgh purchased the Cockburn’s home. It is reasonable to conjecture that the property was taken due to non- payment of taxes. A year earlier, the United States Supreme Court had ruled that racist deed covenants attached to residential properties were not legally enforceable. The justices’ reasoning in the 1948 decision was much like the reasoning that Hays and Marshall tried to use during the 1937 case. Racial terms such as “Negro” had no legal definition in the United States, so legal documents listing them could not be enforced by the courts.

In 1953 a California case much like the Cockburns’ case was brought before the U.S. Supreme Court. This time, the outcome was the complete opposite: the justices ruled six to one that the racist covenant was invalid. On June 16, 1953 The New York Times quoted Thurgood Marshall’s response to the decision: “This case is a natural sequel to the other restrictive covenant cases. We are quite sure that we can meet other attempts to circumvent these decisions. On the other hand we are certain that die-hard white supremacists will come forth with some other ingenious scheme which we will have to meet. We will not stop until Negroes are entirely free to live wherever they have the money to buy or rent. Although a battle had been won, Marshall recognized that the war was ongoing. One year later, Thurgood Marshall successfully argued the landmark Brown v. Board of Education case that led to the Supreme Court decision that ruled that segregation in public education was unconstitutional. Research conducted by Dr. Otto Klineberg that compared the achievement of Negroes who were educated in the South with that of Negroes educated in the North was instrumental in helping to convince the members of the Warren Court that people of color were harmed by segregation in education. The court found that the 14th amendment was violated by segregation in public education.

Pauline Cockburn eventually moved to Pawtucket Rhode Island. She passed away in 1967, one year before the Federal Fair Housing Act made racially restrictive deed covenants illegal.

The Cockburn’s house in Edgemont Hills is still there. Today it is valued at over $800,000. A ship’s anchor is mounted upon a large rock facing the street at the edge of the property. Perhaps the anchor is a testament to a life of seafaring within a unique community.

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The Cockburn’s house in Edgemont Hills 1937

The Cockburn's house in Edgemont Hills  1937

They built and owned it but they were not legally able to live in it. A Deed Covenant attached to all neighborhood properties stated that anyone with Negro Blood could only be there if they were employed as servants.

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February 21, 2013 · 9:37 pm

The Cockburns in Edgemont Hills: February 1937

The Cockburns in Edgemont Hills: February 1937

Joshua and Pauline Cockburn appeared in Life Magazine on February, 15th 1937. A brief article accompanying this photo and one of their new home explained their legal situation.

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February 21, 2013 · 9:32 pm

Joshua Cockburn: First Captain of The Black Star Line

Joshua Cockburn: First Captain of The Black Star Line

Captain Cockburn was a British Ship Master who had earned commendation from The British Navy during World War I in Africa. Before that he had piloted ships for The Elder Dempster Line which ran from Liverpool, England to West Africa.

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February 21, 2013 · 9:11 pm

Kernan’s Road to Certainty

Kernan’s Road to Certainty

Overview: William C.Kernan was an outspoken anti-Fascist during the late 1930’s and early 40’s, as well as an advocate for social justice. During the late 1940’s and early 50’s he became a fervent anti-Communist, eventually becoming the spokesman for The Committee of 10. This committee tried to purge Scarsdale’s public school system of any and all materials that were believed to have any relationship to Communist ideas.

For William C. Kernan “the bomb fell” in January 1938. This is when he began a life of political activism aimed at preserving American Democracy. Kernan was the Rector of Trinity Episcopal Church in Bayonne, New Jersey. He had been alerted to the fact that Mayor of Jersey City Frank Hague, the political boss of Hudson County, New Jersey had refused to allow ACLU. founder Roger N. Baldwin give a speech on the grounds that Communists were involved. Kernan believed that the right to free speech must not be abridged. Despite the opposition of his vestry, he allowed Baldwin to speak at Trinity. The New York Times reported the story on January 15, 1938.
In Jersey City, anyone who spoke out against Frank Hague was considered a communist. Hague had stated as much to his Chamber of Commerce on January 12, 1938. “You hear about constitutional rights, free speech and the free press. Every time I hear these words I say to myself, ‘That man is a Red, that man is a Communist!’ You never hear a real American talk like that.” Kernan was certain that preventing Baldwin’s right to free speech was a violation of a sacred American civil right. He not only let Baldwin speak but cheered loudly throughout his speech. After the speech Kernan joined a group of young activists to form The Bayonne Council for Democracy. They appointed him President. According to his biography the Bayonne Council for Democracy held some private meetings and two public meetings, one that was broken up by organized hecklers.
Labor leaders were trying to run a socialist candidate against Mayor Hague. William C.Kernan had grown up poor. He had lost his first church after the stock market of crash of 1929. He believed that labor had a God given right to organize. He was happy to work with socialists because it was possible for them not to be associated with totalitarian governments like the ones in The Soviet Union and Nazi Germany, which had proven themselves to be godless regimes that turned their subjects into slaves of the state. Time Magazine 13 June 1938 reported that The Hague Administration in Jersey City had taken on aspects of “a fascist cell”.
Time cited the case of Kernan’s anti-Hague associate Rabbi Plotkin, who was evicted with his congregation from The Jewish Community Center in Jersey City because he had spoken out against Hague’s refusal to allow free speech. Other Jews in Jersey City had gone along with the eviction, stating that Plotkin was a Communist. If one used Frank Hague’s definition of a Communist, he was. Kernan worked hard to oppose Hague’s dictatorial rule in Hudson County but had little to show for it. He and his associates had no money and little political power. Those who had jobs or rented property in Hudson County knew that they or their family members had a lot to lose if they ever spoke out against Frank Hague.
For those who lived under Frank Hague’s rule things were not always so bad. Hague was a Catholic who was supported by Hudson County’s working class, most of whom were Catholics. In his 2011 biography of Frank Hague, author Leonard F. Vernon goes to great lengths to explain why he was popular with many of his constituents. Those Catholics who could recall their ancestors earlier experiences in Hudson County recalled years of Protestant oppression, when their faith was disrespected and they had no control over their own lives because Protestant politicians held the reigns of power. Frank Hague had provided safe neighborhoods for a generation. He had used tax revenues to build a municipal hospital that served Jersey City’s residents, often at no charge. Hague’s resistance to labor unions had allowed sweat shops to thrive in Jersey City, but there was work for those who needed it, no small feat during the Great Depression.

Ten months later an incident occurred at Trinity Church that provided Kernan with a clearer focus about how to direct his political activism. One of his parishioners was fixing a light in the church when Father Kernan saw him. The parishioner informed his pastor that thanks to the radio priest Father Coughlin he now knew “the truth about the Jews.” When Kernan asked him “what truth?,” the man responded that Coughlin’s radio broadcast had taught him that the Jews were Communists who started the revolution in Russia and “were responsible for bad conditions in Germany.”

At this precise moment Kernan found himself “burning with indignation.” He realized it was futile to preach the Gospel of love and justice if people like his parishioner could be convinced to hate Jews simply by listening to Father Coughlin on the radio. He realized that “millions of Americans were in a frame of mind to turn statements into the kind of propaganda that had been part of the enslavement tactic of the Nazis. Suppose it should happen here!” He told his parishioner to “get down on his knees before the altar and implore God’s mercy and forgiveness” because the fact that he had listened to and believed Father Coughlin “was a most serious threat to his soul’s salvation.”

Kernan traveled to New York City “to find out exactly what Coughlin had said and trace down his source material. I spent days in New York in pursuit of this purpose. I searched newspaper files, interviewed people in order to gather facts and to get leads that might produce more facts, read pertinent official documents in the British Library of Information and inquired into the religious and national backgrounds of the men who were responsible for the Bolshevik revolution in Russia.” Kernan then wrote an article titled “My Answer to Father Coughlin” which was published in The Nation as Coughlin, The Jews and Communism.

He and his friend Bob Ambry went to WEVD in an effort to obtain broadcat time to oppose Frank Hague’s dictatorial rule in Jersey City. WEVD had been started by socialists, its initials are those of the Socialist leader Eugene V.Debs. The station had no interest in Kernan and Ambry’s broadcast plans. As the two men were walking out of Producer George Field’s office, Ambry turned around, pulled Kernan’s Nation article out of his pocket and handed it to Field. “How about an anti-Coughlin broadcast” he said. Field was interested in that. WEVD, the radio station that had aired Father Coughlin’s anti-Semitic broadcast, agreed to have Father Kernan give his rebuttal to Coughlin’s accusations, after which Kernan became a regular speaker on WEVD’s Thursday night radio program. For the next decade, William C.Kernan would have a part time career as a radio speaker. As the United States remained on the fence with regard to participation in the war in Europe, Kernan would speak out against fascism and communism. But as the 1940’s progressed he also took part in the program Meet the Critics, often giving “The Christian Point of View” on topics of the day or discussing the latest bestsellers with other critics.

Father Coughlin would no longer be broadcast on WEVD because he refused to submit a text of his speech 48 hours prior to speaking. In effect, the Reverend Kernan had replaced Father Coughlin. He would speak for justice and human rights and against totalitarianism. He would also speak against The Christian Front, an organization that had formed to protest the fact that Father Coughlin had been banned from WEVD. The Christian Front advocated The Christian Index, a pledge not to do business with, buy from or hire non-Christians. Kernan realized that was the same type of boycott that had removed Jews from participating in public life in Germany. The Reverend Kernan made it his cause to oppose “Commu-Nazism,” which he defined as propagandists who misused the right to free speech and assembly to advocate Communist or Nazi ideas in an effort to bring totalitarianism to the United States.

For the next two years this would mean primarily opposing organizations like The Christian Front and The German-American Bund, which advocated fascist ideals while cloaking them with American or Christian icons or sacred words. For example, The Christian Front distributed a pamphlet stating that Jesus Christ supported The Christian Index. As an Episcopal priest, the Reverend Kernan was deeply disturbed by this misuse of Christianity. He felt it was his sacred duty to oppose those who were taking advantage of America’s freedoms and libeling Christianity.

The vestry at Trinity Church in Bayonne was opposed to the Reverend Kernan’s political activism. He resigned as Rector during the month of December 1939. The Bayonne Council for Democracy disbanded as well. The young man and woman who had urged Kernan to form the council and become its president informed him that they were proud Communists. Kernan briefly notes this fact in his biography.

Stalin and Hitler had recently signed the German-Soviet Non-Aggression pact, giving Father Kernan further proof that both Communists and Nazis were cut from the same totalitarian cloth. Then they had attacked Poland and precipitated World War II in Europe. The United States remained neutral but President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s government arranged to support Great Britain. This was controversial: the battle for the hearts and minds of Americans had begun.

Although there was little money in it, Reverend Kernan vowed to keep up his public battle against Commu-Nazism and for social justice in The United States. He and his wife Jean had three children and another on the way. In his autobiography Kernan recalls: “I had no job and could count immediately on no regular income from any source. But we never lived our lives together with security as the main objective. We were trying to do the will of God as he gave us light to see it, and when principle came into conflict with security, we chose principle even if it meant the temporary sacrifice of security.” He had been advocating for The United States to take a strong stand against totalitarian aggression abroad while at the same time fearing totalitarian subversion on the homefront. He had come to believe that a “Fifth Column” was active in The United States and that the people in charge of it wanted to bring about totalitarian rule in The United States. He no longer believed that free speech should be protected in all cases.A 24 June 1940 New York Times article reported that Kernan had urged the outlawing of 5th column elements comprised of Nazis, fascists and communists in the United States. Kernan believed that agents of this 5th column misused the Bill of Rights in an effort to take over the nation from within.

Jean Kernan found a house for her family on Ferncliff Road in the prosperous suburb of Scarsdale, New York. Kernan would recall that the first few months in their new home “were marked by more hardship than we cared to admit to ourselves. There was no question of trying to keep up with the Joneses. We could not even keep up with the milkman. He was a nice person, but once we owed him so much money that I dreaded the sight of him.” Kernan and his wife were “painfully conscious” of the contrast between themselves and their wealthy neighbors. They were put more at ease by the fact that although they were the only Roosevelt Democrats in the area, their neighbors “were good and friendly” and all of them helped to look when three year old Peter Kernan wandered off; not giving up their search until he was brought home by the police.

The Episcopal Church of St. James the Less was one place in Scarsdale where the Reverend Kernan felt at home. He was a “high churchman” which meant that he believed that The Episcopal Church was one branch of The Universal Catholic Church that had been founded by The Apostles. Like The Eastern Orthodox Church, The Episcopal Church had broken with The Roman Catholic Church but maintained many of its sacraments. Not all Episcopalians believed in High Church principles. This lack of certainty bothered Kernan. One thing that immediately appealed to him about St.James the Less was that its rector James Harry Price had once given an address in which he had stated that “some things in life never change, such as the existence of God, the Ten Commandments and the multiplication table and that from these we may draw certainty in a world rapidly drifting into confusion and chaos.”

Father Price asked Father Kernan to be his part time assistant minister. Kernan was happy to find a kindred spirit as well as a paying job. “We were both worried about the lack of certainty regarding the nature of Truth which we encountered everywhere.” Kernan relates in his autobiography that Price eventually convinced him that there were “absolutely devastating effects on man’s life once the conclusion is reached that there is no Truth-can be no Truth-because, as so many affirm, all Truth is relative.”

Father Kernan arranged to work for three days at St. James the Less as assistant minister and to spend the other four days of the week in Manhattan. In New York City and elsewhere he would work for three things: support for President Roosevelt and the need for the government and people of The United States to aid the allies against Germany, opposition to “shifting attacks upon American Democracy” by Commu-Nazi organizations in the United States, and social justice for all Americans regardless of race, creed or color. He had a weekly radio show on WEVD and was given an office there to answer the voluminous amount of mail his speeches generated. Some of the mail contained hateful attacks by racists and anti-Semites.

To encourage American involvement in the war in Europe he joined The Committee to Defend America by Aiding the Allies. This group opposed America First, an organization led by Charles Lindbergh that wanted to prevent American involvement in the war. Kernan did not believe America First misused free speech. Although he was opposed to the organization’s goal he recognized that it was comprised of Americans using their right to free speech, as he stated in a letter to The New York Times. He spent a lot of time at Freedom House, an organization dedicated to promoting American Democracy at home and abroad. He would eventually be appointed to its board of directors. To fight for social justice for the poor, organized labor and minorities he became a founding member of The Liberal Party, a new organization created by the right wing of The New York State American Labor Party because they believed that people “in the communist camp” controlled the labor party.
During his three days a week at St. James the Less, Kernan found himself in agreement with Father Price’s emphasis on education. Price was an outspoken critic of modern education. On April 29, 1940 The New York Times reported that Price stated in a sermon at The Cathedral of St. John the Divine “Modern education is not necessarily irreligious or anti-religious, it is just that it is secular and worldly and little attention and consideration are paid to the fundamental truths about life and living-the things that make Western Civilization great.” Price was upset by the fact that “very modern parents” don’t allow their children to receive religious instruction “until they are old enough to decide for themselves.” Price believed that religious instruction should be like academic instruction or personal hygiene, something that parents started their children on at an early age. On September 20, 1943 The New York Times reported that he had founded Education for Freedom, an organization that would use famous educators and other well-known people to warn Americans of the crisis in Education and the need to raise educational standards. This information would be provided in a series of radio broadcasts by Red Barber, Walter Lippman and others.

Kernan joined Price in applying their educational ideas to their religious instruction at St.James the Less. They believed that “Education ought to liberate man from the tyranny of appetite, and that required discipline-and you could not have discipline without Truth from which come standards in the light of which, discipline was undertaken.” The two priests sought to teach the young people at St.James the Less to “learn to subject their instincts and passions to the control of reason and will.” One of their students was Nancy Moore. She felt that Father Price and Father Kernan truly challenged their pupils in an engaging, respectful manner.

These are her recollections from an email dated December 7, 2012:

“Very important to us were two occasions during the year: one was the Christmas pageant, which was directed by a parishioner and the music director, and the other was a Passion Play which we called the “Mime” because it was done in very slow pantomime. One of the clergy was at every rehearsal at the beginning, and began with a prayer. Instead of teenagers “hacking around” we turned into serious young people with the heavy responsibility of portraying the Stations of the Cross. One went from role to role as one grew older: from a Woman of Jerusalem to Mary Magdalene to Veronica to the Virgin Mary for the girls, or, if you were a boy, from a centurion to John or Simon of Cyrene or maybe Pontius Pilate — and maybe eventually to the central figure — the “Christus.”

Father Kernan’s handsome son Patrick played the Christus several times, as I remember. I remember the year my brother Bob was the Christus: it was so moving I had to go out to the cemetery to have a good cry! The special music played by the organ to accompany the movement had been arranged by Hugh Ross, who had been the organist at the time the tradition began, thanks to a parishioner who had gone to Paris to study mime with Marcel Marceau’s teacher, whose name I don’t remember for sure. (Etienne Descreux, I think.)

Anyway, this experience might have been the kind of educational approach that you have heard about, although I don’t know that for sure, either. I just know that actually going through the Passion story with my body was an example of learning as a whole person, not only with my intellect.

We also had the opportunity, as girls (who could not yet acolyte — that was still “boys only”) to join the Junior Altar Guild, which gave us a hands-on experience of preparing the altar for services and thus contributing with our work to the liturgy. I vividly remember the altar guild chairperson advising us to be as careful in our work with the linens and vessels to make everything as perfect as we would “if we were giving a dinner party” (a comparison that stuck with me, probably because my mother was more casual when she had company!) But, again, there is the example of our being taken seriously, which was the most important aspect of our Christian education!

But our intellects were engaged often and quite seriously. We had to learn the whole catechism in the back of the Prayer Book by heart, for example, to prepare for confirmation. It is fortunate that we did, because the bishop quizzed us about it (possibly at the instigation of the clergy!).

Nancy recalls a specific time that Father Kernan had her make an appointment to speak with him about a question she had. It was the first time in her life that she had an adult conversation. The experience made her feel intelligent and valued. The fact that Kernan believed Father Price’s views on education to be correct further convinced him that “We could consider objectively the disastrous effects of uncertainty and confusion in the world.” He was troubled that this same uncertainty plagued The Episcopal Church of St .James the Less.

Throughout the decade, parishioners often left the church because its form of worship was too high and Price and Kernan were too demanding with regard to their expectations,.such as the requirement that church members attend church every Sunday. Kernan noted that this problem had existed before he joined St.James the Less. He felt it was directly related to the fact that the elected parishioners who ran the church, the vestry, had too much power over the church’s clergy. In fact the vestry had the power to fire its clergy if so inclined.

Although The Kernan family had come to Scarsdale in 1940, it must have been easier for them to fit in during the war years. Rationing was a great equalizer. What the family could not afford did not matter as much with Word War II going on and most material good forsaken for the war effort. By the end of 1945 The Nazis and The Japanese had been defeated but for the rest of the decade it appeared that the Communists were winning the war for hearts and minds in Europe and Asia. Indignant over the fact that many of his liberal friends did not share his loathing of Communists or his belief that they could take control in The United States, Father Kernan had resigned from the Board of Directors of Freedom House. He no longer considered himself a liberal because the liberal movement “had become Godless.”

In 1949 A female parishioner at St.James the Less took him aside one January day to ask if he could look into the background of a prominent educator who had been chosen to speak before her chapter of The Daughters of The American Revolution. One of the members said the educator was a Communist. She asked Kernan to find out. Just as a bomb had dropped regarding Father Couglin and fascism in 1939, now a bomb was being dropped regarding communism in 1949.
Eleven years earlier, Kernan had researched Father Coughlin’s accusations that Jews were Communists and begun a decade long anti-Fascist, pro social justice crusade. Now he would again do research into accusations of Communism and reach a different conclusion. He was directed to Otto E. Dohrenwend, a New York businessman and Scarsdale resident who had become a self educated expert on Communist subversion after serving as a juror on a 1947 U.S. Federal Grand Jury investigating activities of Communists in the State Department. Dohrenwend provided Kernan with the names and backgrounds of several people who were associated with Communist fronts who had been allowed to address the Scarsdale PTA and the Scarsdale Teachers Association.
Dohrenwend related to Kernan the fact that Attorney General Clark had warned that Communists were trying to indoctrinate young children to their ideology. As proof that this had already occurred in Scarsdale, Dohrenwend pointed out that admitted Communist Howard Fast had eleven novels on the shelves of the Scarsdale High School Library. There was also a poetry anthology that contained work by Langston Hughes, whom the House Un-American Activities Committee had listed as being associated with 71 Communist front organizations.

Kernan had enough facts from Dohrenwend. He was dismayed to hear that Mr.Dohrenwend had already spoken to the head of the Education Committee at The Scarsdale Town Club, Scarsdale’s governing body, Vernon Smith the superintendent of Scarsdale Public Schools and A. Chauncey Newlin, president of The Board of Education.

Nothing was being done about what Kernan and Dohrenwend saw as an obvious case of Communist infiltration. In 1940, Father Kernan had written The Ghost of Royal Oak a book that outlined his opposition to fascism and communism. He referred to people who pushed the fascist or Communist agenda as propaganda termites because “Like termites which eat the stout timbers of a strong house until they have destroyed it, these Nazi and Communist agents, spies and sympathizers in America are undermining our democratic institutions, our churches our schools, our trade unions and our homes.”

The fascists had been defeated yet Communists were tolerated in liberal circles, especially if they had renounced any previous communist affiliations. Father Kernan believed that “both Communism and Nazism were palpably evil.” He had been traveling a majority of the time during the previous decade, promoting his social justice, anti-totalitarian agenda. Now that he was back in Scarsdale with Jean and their six children he had another battle to fight against Communist propaganda termites in the Scarsdale Public Schools. Kernan the socialist was about to become Kernan the red-baiter, a term that he did not find offensive. In fact, he had stated in his 1940 book The Ghost of Royal Oak that red-baiter was a sinful word created by Communists to prevent decent people from criticizing their methods.

Father Kernan and Otto E. Dohrenwend joined with eight other concerned citizens of Scarsdale to form The Committee of 10. The group was non-sectarian and non-denominational. The Committee sent communications to The Scarsdale Inquirer, periodically mailed newsletters to every resident of Scarsdale and held neighborhood meetings. The committee targeted the novels written by Howard Fast, who had joined the Communist Party in 1943. Father Kernan read excerpts from Fast’s novel Haym Salomon, Son of Liberty, a historical novel set during the Revolutionary War. He cited passages from the book that spoke negatively of war profiteers in Philadelphia, asserting that these passages were evidence that Fast was trying to incite class hatred.

The Board of Education disagreed with Kernan’s assertion that Fast’s novel was Communist propaganda. Fast could no longer find a publisher in the United States and the U.S. Government had revoked his passport because he refused to testify before the House of Un-American Activities Committee. He eventually published his novel Spartacus on his own and it went on to become a bestseller and a popular Stanley Kubrick film starring Kirk Douglas. (Spartacus was the Roman slave who led a rebellion against The Roman Republic. He and his followers were eventually captured and crucified along The Apian Way, 40 years before the birth of Jesus Christ.)

The Committee of 10 turned its attention to books by Paul Robeson and Langston Hughes. A Robeson biography was on a recommended reading list for eighth graders; it was removed from the list but remained on the library shelf. Books by Arthur Miller and W.E.B. Dubois were objectionable to The Committee of 10 as were others by various authors who had been blacklisted in other parts of the United States. Kernan and The Committee of 10 had certainty that they were defending democracy by demanding the removal of the books but they could not convince the Scarsdale Public School system to remove them. Superintendent Newlin stated that Scarsdale schools would continue to expose their students to a variety of points of view. Kernan and his fellow committee members were outraged.

The Committee of 10 began naming Communists and those who had participated in Communist fronts when they found out that they were speaking or appearing in Scarsdale Public School buildings. According to Kernan’s biography, the Committee of Ten attracted over 1,000 members and changed its name to The Scarsdale Citizens Committee. Throughout 1951, two professors and a dancer with Communist ties spoke to students or performed for students in the Scarsdale Public Schools. Father Kernan was especially galled that Dr.Bernard F.Reiss, Psychologist and Professor at Hunter College had been permitted to speak to 11th and 12th graders on career day. He pointed out that Reiss had signed a statement for The Daily Worker in 1943 that defended The Soviet Union’s hanging of two Jewish anti-Nazi labor leaders in Poland in 1941.

Father Kernan was greatly influenced by the book Men Without Faces by Louis F .Budenz. He had been a Communist Party member during the 1930’s but had rediscovered his Catholic faith in 1945 and become an important F.B.I. informant and the man Senator Joseph McCarthy would rely on for his Senate hearings investigating Communist activity in the United States government. Budenz maintained that Communists wanted to infiltrate the high society of Westchester County by having “concealed communists speak before community organizations as experts on foreign policy, pro communist books would be plugged at informal dinner parties, in women’s clubs, study groups and educational institutions” (italics mine). Kernan felt that he and The Committee of 10 had uncovered the Communist plot Budenz had written about a year before Men Without Faces was published.
The citizens of Scarsdale opposed to The Scarsdale Citizens Committee mobilized as well. Eighty-one prominent Scarsdale residents signed a petition condemning “book banning.” The Board of Education eventually refused to let members of the Scarsdale Citizens Committee speak at its meetings. New School Superintendent Archibald B.Shaw read a compassionate statement swearing to the loyalty of Scarsdale School Teachers at a special public hearing before the Board of Education on June 19, 1950.

Kernan felt this was manipulative because his committee had not specifically accused the teachers of disloyalty. In fact the Citizen’s Committee had stirred up such a negative atmosphere that one former student recalled “half of the Scarsdale High School faculty were accused.“ A popular history teacher named Dorothy Connor told her class “All my life I have tried to give my students a love for their country. And to be called a Communist is pretty hard to take.“ She then broke out in tears. Like the Reverend Kernan, Connor had been a Roosevelt Democrat and a New Deal Liberal.

The president of The Fox Meadow Elementary School PTA apologized for allowing the Communist dance instructor Pearl Primus to perform at Fox Meadow. She was not re-elected. The Scarsdale Women’s Club, the PTA’s. The League of Women Voters, and The Scarsdale Inquirer all came out against The Scarsdale Citizens Committee. The motto of the committee’s opponents was “Save Our Schools.” Again, Kernan was flabbergasted; he felt that he and his fellow members of The Scarsdale Citizens Committee were the ones trying to save the schools.

The Scarsdale Citizens Committee held a special meeting at Edgewood School on March 27, 1952. Father Kernan states in his autobiography that between 700-900 people attended. He, Otto E.Dohrenwend and the other speakers had prepared questions asked of them by sympathetic crowd members. Opponents criticized this as a fascist tactic but Kernan felt this was hypocritical because it was he and his supporters who had been silenced at Board of Education meetings. A. Chauncy Newlin wrote an open letter to The Scarsdale Inquirer the following day stating that if something were not done to silence the committee, people would lose good teachers and be unable to attract new teachers to the Scarsdale public school system.
The Board of Education was reelected and the furor subsided although Kernan maintained that he and his supporters continued to believe that their evidence showed the Communist influence in the Scarsdale Public School System. Scarsdale Town Historian Eric Rothschild, son of the Edgewood Elementary School librarian during the early fifties Amalie Rothschild, recalls that the last time Kernan was at the Board of Education meeting he stormed out of the building yelling “Is this America? Is this Democracy?” because he had not been allowed to speak.

Father Kernan had been having spiritual doubts while waging his anti-Communist crusade in Scarsdale. He found that he sincerely believed in several tenets taught by the Catholic Church, such as the immaculate conception of Mary, invocation of the saints and the sacrilege of birth control. These were not tenets of the Episcopal faith and he had to keep silent about them. The uncertainty of The Episcopal Church troubled him. “I sought Christ’s Truth which cannot change or mean something different to every man.” He could no longer accept that spiritual truth in The Episcopal Church was open to interpretation from parish to parish. Father Kernan wanted one universal truth that could provide him with certainty because it was “the Truth of Christ.” He had become good friends with fellow citizen’s committee members Mr. and Mrs. Robert Fitzpatrick. They introduced Kernan to Father Ferdinand Schonberg a Jesuit based in Philadelphia. Kernan began consultation with Father Schonberg about his crisis of faith. He realized he needed “real authority- as the power to require acceptance of the teachings of the Church by its members.” Schonberg gave Kernan books to study about Catholicism. He became convinced that The Episcopal Church was not part of The Catholic Church. “They can not have now what they rejected at The Reformation four hundred years ago.”
On Monday, May 5 the vestry of St .James the Less called Father Kernan in for an emergency meeting. He was informed that he had to give up his anti-Communist activities with the Scarsdale Citizens Committee or resign as assistant minister. The stated reason was that people were leaving the church and it was losing money. When Kernan said he could not give up his work with The Citizen’s Committee, the vestry consulted the Bishop who suggested a cooling off period.
Father Price refused to let Kernan go, and Kernan took a week to think about this situation. He decided that it was the answer to his prayers because he wanted to convert to Catholicism. He stated his beliefs and his intentions in a letter to Bishop of New York Horace Donegan. On May 21 he made his profession of faith at Immaculate Heart of Mary Church in Scarsdale and was baptized by Father Schoberg.

Kernan’s departure from St.James the Less and subsequent conversion to Catholicism caused quite a stir. It was reported in The New York Times and Time magazine. Bishop Donegan took exception to the departure for the Catholic Church when he gave a sermon installing a new rector George French Kempsell, Jr. in 1953. Father Price had left St.James the Less and converted to Catholicism a year after Kernan had. Donegan stated that the Episcopal Church was democratic because the Laity voted for their clergymen. Kernan responded at a Communion breakfast in New York City that “Bishop Donegan would be hard put to it did he try to prove that in founding his church, Christ gave power to the laity.”

William C.Kernan had found certainty in an institution that was based on the one totalitarian leader he could trust in, God. He became a lay worker for The Christopher’s, a Catholic aid organization. For the next ten years, he would travel to give speeches to Catholic groups about his experiences. Jean and all six of his children all converted to Catholicism. He always stated that The Catholic Church gave him moral certainty. On 14 May 1967 The New York Times reported that Kernan was Director of Training at Horn and Hardart. He had applied the educational methods he and Father Price had utilized twenty years earlier at St.James the Less Church in order to give 13 juvenile delinquents a chance to work in the cafeteria business. He told the reporter John M.Taylor “It’s unfair the way society pins a label on these kids. Sure they dropped out of school and got into trouble. But they’re fine youngsters and I’m proud of them. I just hope we can teach them to be proud of themselves.” The last written record of him appears in a letter to the editor of The Long Beach (California) Journal in 1973. He adamantly stated why an editorial sympathetic to abortion was wrong. He made his case with great certainty. He lived to be 92 years old.

Author’s Note: Material for this article has been gathered from The New York Times articles, which have been cited in the text. William C. Kernan also had three published “Letters to the Editor” of The New York Times that presented his views on the misuse of free speech by enemies of The United States, his opposition to the internment of the Japanese during World War II and his belief that there were certain truths (such as the belief in God and the correctness of The American Creed) that all Americans should agree upon. Text that appears in quotations are the words of William C. Kernan and have been quoted from his books The Ghost of Royal Oak (1940) and My Road to Certainty (1953). I have used information from ancestry.com to determine that William C. Kernan died in 1992 at the age of 92. Information about Frank Hague was drawn from Time Magazine articles and The Life and Times of Jersey City, Mayor Frank Hague “I Am The Law” by Leonard F.Vernon. Charleston: The History Press 2011.

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Fifty Years Ago: Scarsdale Helps The Freedom Riders

Fifty Years Ago: Scarsdale Helps The Freedom Riders

Overview: In March, 1962  The Westchester Committee for The Freedom Riders held a concert to help those who had participated in the Freedom Rides but were still languishing in jail. They were vociferously opposed by a small, but well known group of anti-communists.

Fifty Years Ago: Scarsdale Residents Aid the Freedom Riders Despite Vociferous Opposition.

In March 1962 a benefit to raise money for the Freedom Riders was held at Scarsdale High School. Pete Seeger, Ossie Davis, and Ruby Dee performed. The New York Times reported, “[A] racially mixed crowd of 1,282 persons filled the Scarsdale High School Auditorium.” Featured guests at the concert were Freedom Rider Reverend Austin McRaven Warner and Harold Taylor, the former President of Sarah Lawrence College. The secretary of the Westchester Committee for the Freedom Riders was Harriet Gelfan, a Scarsdale resident, housewife, and mother of six. The concert was necessary because Freedom Riders jailed in Mississippi in May 1961 had not yet posted bail and were still serving time at the notorious Parchman Farm. Their crime had been trying to integrate rest areas along southern highways that were supposed to be desegregated because they were federally controlled. The Freedom Riders had been brought to Mississippi under the protection of the Mississippi National Guard, by order of Attorney General Robert Kennedy, after their bus had been firebombed in Anniston, Alabama. They were promptly arrested in Mississippi for “creating a disturbance.”

The attempts of a few Westchester County residents to help the jailed Freedom Riders would have been lost to history except for the fact that the concert was vociferously opposed by a small group of anti-communists, led by the Scarsdale American Legion and Mrs. Otto E. Dohrenwend and Mrs. Theodore E. Wetzel, whom The New York Times identified as “Wives of Stock Brokers.” The women sued Scarsdale Public School Board District 1 to prevent the concert because it “created dissension at a time of great crisis,” according to their attorney, William A. Egan Jr. What made news was not the concert, but the lawsuit.

Mrs. Dohrenwend’s husband, Otto E. Dohenwrend, had been the leader of the infamous Committee of Ten, which charged that Scarsdale’s school system had been infiltrated by communism during the Red Scare of the late 1940s and early 1950s. According to Carol A. O’Connor’s Scarsdale: A Sort of Utopia: 1891-1981, the Committee of Ten had disrupted school board meetings in an effort to expose reading material they considered to be communist, particularly Howard Fast’s novel, Citizen Paine.

The plaintiffs in the Freedom Riders’ Concert case took issue with the communist background of Pete Seeger, and furthermore, accused featured performers Ossie Davis and Ruby Dee of knowingly supporting organizations that were known to be communist fronts. Sadly, it was easy to pin the “Red” label on those who had supported civil rights before World War II because the Communist Party was one of the only organizations in the United States to openly oppose lynching. The plaintiffs also accused Harriet Gelfan of being a Communist because she had been a member of the Institute of Pacific Relations and twice visited the Soviet Union in that capacity. During hearings led by the Senate Internal Security Committee in 1952, Mrs. Gelfan refused to acknowledge whether she had ever been a Communist, stating that her answer might incriminate her. Amidst the hyperbolic frenzy of the Red Scare, The New York Times had reported the story with the headline, “Woman Won’t Say If She Was a Red.” The ardor of the committee in going after Harriet Gelfan may have stemmed from the fact that her maiden name had been Moore, which was the same name as one of the founders of the Communist Party in the United States. Her former boss at the Institute, Edward G. Carter, had suggested to the Senate Committee that the charges against Mrs. Gelfan were “a case of mistaken identity.” The Institute of Pacific Relations had its nonprofit status revoked in 1952, but it was reinstated in 1960, presumably because the federal government did not consider it a communist front. This was not enough for the Scarsdale American Legion and Mrs. Dohrenwend and Mrs. Wetzel.

According to Harriet Gelfan’s son, Peter, the lawsuit seeking to prevent the Freedom Riders concert brought up painful memories for his mother and father, Dr. Samuel Gelfan. In 1952,when the charges of being a Communist were leveled at his wife, Dr. Gelfan had been a neuroscientist at Yale University. Amidst the controversy that followed his wife’s 1952 testimony, Dr. Gelfan lost his position at Yale. Years later the University apologized for its actions, but Dr. Gelfan’s promising career had already been destroyed. Despite what happened at Yale, Dr. Gelfan defended his wife, stating to the Scarsdale School Board that his wife was a loyal American and that “she does not have to wave a flag to prove it.”

The New York Times reported that ten picketers stood outside the concert with placards that read “Is this a Little Red School House?”; “Turn Left for Scarsdale”; “We’re not afraid of fallout, we’re afraid of Sellout”; and “Doing the Moscow Twist.” Mr. Dohrenwend was present outside the high school but not on the picket line. The court had ruled that the entertainers and Reverend McRaven could not give any speeches during the concert. Pete Seeger wore red socks in protest. The event raised $3,758.50, which was turned over to the Congress for Racial Equality. The money was used as intended, to defend those who had dared to bring attention to the continued existence of segregated rest areas on federal highways in an effort to demonstrate that southern states were violating federal laws.

 

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Costly Grace

Costly Grace: The Story of the Holly Ball Affair and the Reverend George French Kempsell, Jr.

Overview: This is the final, revised, edited version of my five-year research article about Reverend George French Kempsell, Jr., the Holly Ball Affair and what happened to him and his family after they left Scarsdale in 1963.

During the civil rights era, church leaders found themselves in a precarious predicament. They could either embrace current social changes and potentially alienate parishioners who opposed them, or they could remain silent, shutter their churches to the storm raging outside, and ignore social injustices. The choice these leaders made would be an important one, because church membership in the United States had been growing to record levels throughout the 1950‘s. In January 1961, George Kempsell, Jr., rector of the longest-standing church in Scarsdale, New York, asked his congregation to stand up and face discrimination head-on. This decision would have serious repercussions for him and his family, as well as the entire community. Ultimately, he would have to leave this community, even though he’d eventually end up in a rewarding ministry in Arvada, Colorado. In essence, he experienced what The Reverend Timothy J. Keller calls “costly grace”—a sacrificial grace, the kind that Christ experienced on the cross. According to Keller, “costly grace” means “we must live sacrificially as we serve others. Anyone who truly understands how God’s grace comes to us will have a changed life.”# The  Reverend Kempsell set himself on a course for costly grace when he acted against members of his congregation who had committed an anti-Semitic act. This is the story of Reverend Kempsell, the Holly Ball Affair and what happened in the aftermath.

On Friday, January 13, 1961, on the front page of the New York Times, just below the fold, appeared a black-and-white photo of The Rev. George F. Kempsell, Jr., rector of the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less, next to the headline:  “Scarsdale Parish Rector Limits Communion Due to Anti-Semitism.” The priest stared confidently at the camera. He seemed to be filled with righteous moral certitude, while looking young and approachable in spite of eyeglasses and a receding hairline. The headline stated, “Youth Who Is Convert From Judaism Barred as Escort to Country Club Dance.”

Kempsell had been upset that nineteen-year old Michael Cunningham Hernstadt, a young man whom the rector had baptized two years earlier, had been rejected as an escort to the annual debutante Holly Ball at the Scarsdale Golf Club. On Sunday, January 8, Kempsell preached about the incident, explaining that a young woman in the parish withdrew from the Holly Ball when the dance’s subcommittee rejected her escort due to his “Jewish parentage.” Kempsell then asked his congregation to “face facts boldly” to understand “if our Lord Jesus Christ had come back to earth in Scarsdale in time for the Holly Ball, he would not have been allowed to escort a young lady of this parish to that dance.” Then he rendered his judgment, “This is a sin against God and against a member of this congregation, and no one dares to come to the altar to receive the body and blood of our Lord Jesus Christ unless he repents himself of this sin, and is in love and charity with his neighbor, and intends to lead a new life, following the commandments of God and walking before him in His holy ways.”#

Communion is the Holy Eucharist. It occurs at every Episcopal Church service. It represents the idea that the members of the church congregation are performing an act of contrition and recognition of Jesus Christ’s sacrifice for mankind’s sins while at the same time becoming a living example of the body of Christ. For Kempsell, the sacraments of baptism and communion were essential to Christian worship. He had said as much in The Rector’s Word, his monthly letter to the congregation of the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less in November 1959. In that letter he had celebrated the love and acceptance he and his family felt at St. James the Less and remarked that he and the vestry, the church members who handle secular affairs for the parish, had never had a serious disagreement. Thirteen months later, Kempsell had publicly shamed many of his congregation in an effort to call attention to a serious problem in the community: racial and religious bigotry.

The presence of the civil rights movement could be felt even in Scarsdale, New York. During the previous year, young people in the South (and sympathetic northern supporters too) had staged sit-ins and picket lines to protest segregated lunch counters in southern department stores. On the front page of the New York Times, the Holly Ball story had replaced integration rioting that occurred at the University of Georgia, Athens. More positively, the nation prepared for the inauguration of the nation’s first Catholic president, John F. Kennedy.

It would seem that Scarsdale was immune to the strife the South experienced.  According to Carol A. O’Connor’s history Scarsdale: A Sort of Utopia: 1891-1981, it was the “wealthiest town in the world’s wealthiest nation.” A 1960 census shows that Scarsdale had a median income four times that of the average American household.

As rector of the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less since 1953, Kempsell had enjoyed the perks that went along with being in charge of the town’s oldest and one of its wealthiest churches. Previous rectors had turned down the Scarsdale Golf Club’s honorary membership, because it was an open secret the club discriminated against non-Protestants. According to St. James the Less church historian Louise Clark, Father Kempsell was known to enjoy dinner at the club.

George French Kempsell, Jr.  was a dynamic person. He spoke several languages, played tennis, and was a gifted musician whose calling to the Episcopal Church had pre-empted a career as a concert pianist. His love for music led him to the Westchester Orchestral Society where he served on the society’s board of directors. Although he relished being rector of St. James the Less and its accompanying social status, The Rector of St.James had come from humble beginnings. According to his son, Geff, and his daughter, Martha, their father was the son of English house servants. He grew up in Glen Cove, New York, during an era famously depicted in F. Scott Fitzgerald’s novels. As a chauffeur for the Whitney family, Kempsell’s father may very well have worn a “robin’s egg blue” chauffeur’s uniform, like the one Fitzgerald described in The Great Gatsby. His mother was the head of the household staff for the French family. Mrs. French had such great admiration for the Kempsells that she had a small cottage built for them.

At Glen Cove public schools, young Kempsell studied music. His love for music and aptitude for the piano, organ and glockenspiel continued as he attended Hamilton College, and then New York Theological Seminary. He put himself through these schools by playing the organ at local church services. In 1946, he graduated from the seminary and married a piano teacher, Ruth Archibald. The couple had six children during the 1950s—five boys including a pair of twins and a daughter.

Although he was attracted to wealth and power, Kempsell never lost his egalitarian sensibility. The ideas of universal brotherhood and equality of all people came naturally to him. Kempsell never forgot what it meant to be an American, to grow up in the land of opportunity, where a chauffeur’s son could rise to be on the same social level of doctors and bank presidents. Every day at the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less, Kempsell passed by two large hand-painted murals depicting the Nicene Creed and the Declaration of Independence expessing the American Creed. The murals were painted by parishioner William Moll,  commissioned by the parish’s Eldred family in honor of Dwight Eldred, who had been killed in combat during World War II.

The Nicene Creed, acknowledging one baptism for the forgiveness of sins, was recited during every church service. The American Creed states that all men have the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Kempsell believed both creeds had been dishonored by golf club members and those on the Holly Ball subcommittee when they rejected Michael Hernstadt’s admission to the dance. Three of those involved in barring Hernstadt attended the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less.

Kempsell was a frequent guest at the home of Scarsdale resident and fellow Westchester Orchestral Society board member Irving Moskovitz. He struck up a friendship with Irving’s fourteen-year-old son, Peter, who recalls that he was an atheist and that Kempsell offered to convert him. Peter took this to be a joke but appreciated the way Kempsell would engage him in discussion of spiritual matters and answer his questions honestly. According to Peter, “George Kempsell had no taint of religious or racial prejudice. He had no vice of cruelty, hypocrisy, betrayal or misanthropy. If he harbored one of the ‘ordinary vices,’ it was snobbery. His prejudice was money and power, not class (not directly), not race or creed. In this, perhaps, he was a thoroughly modern man.” Thus, Kempsell was bound to run into trouble with certain members of his congregation, an older generation of wealthy Episcopalians who believed in associating socially with only those who held their same religious beliefs and ethnic roots.

Kempsell found a more willing convert in Michael Hernstadt, who lived alone in a large house in Scarsdale. According to Bill Donovan’s documentary film Inheritance, Michael’s father, William, was elderly and had moved with Michael’s mother to Manhattan, leaving their youngest son with a housekeeper who cooked his meals. When Hernstadt was seventeen, Kempsell baptized him and witnessed his confirmation.

The New York Times story on January 13, 1961, did not name Michael Hernstadt but it got an important part of his story wrong: Hernstadt had never been Jewish. He was the son of parents who did not practice religion. Because his father was Jewish and his mother was Catholic, they told their son to choose his own faith. So he became Episcopalian.

Pamela Nottage, the young woman who had wanted to take Michael to the Holly Ball, came from a W.A.S.P. pedigree that suited many at the Scarsdale Golf Club. Her mother, Ruth Nottage, was a member of the Mayflower Society, which meant that she could trace her ancestry back to the Pilgrims.

The W.A.S.P. community in Scarsdale represented an elite that had dominated life in the town since it became a suburb of New York City during the late 19th century. According to Carol A. O’Connor, the town was “socially hostile to Jews,”. Before World War II realtors often refused to show homes to Jews or people with Jewish sounding names.

When the Holly Ball Affair began in Scarsdale, town resident Dean Rusk had just been chosen President-Elect Kennedy’s secretary of state. In his autobiography As I Saw It, Rusk notes, “In Scarsdale there was a pervasive under-the-rug discrimination against Jewish people.” He and his wife lost W.A.S.P. friends and did not join the Scarsdale Golf Club because they did not condone these attitudes.

The Holly Ball began in 1953, the same year Kempsell was installed as rector of the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less. The three matriarchs who founded the ball were Virginia Lustenberger, Louise Fletcher, and Viola Hirtz. Each year the Holly Ball Dance Subcommittee would vet the list of prospective escorts to weed out anyone deemed unsuitable. The list of escorts would then be sent to the Scarsdale Golf Club’s Board of Governors for approval. The board comprised male club members, including Viola’s husband, Theodore S. Hirtz.

A May 1960 Life Magazine article “Living it up on The Debutante Circuit,” provides insight into the mindset of those attending the balls. A young man who was often in demand as an escort because he came from old British oil money told Life, “You must be conservative and carefully groomed. This is what draws the line between real society and the new rich and we will keep them out at all costs. Of course some people these days are buying their way in. I don’t know where it will all end.” Accompanying the article was a photograph of a middle-aged woman named Mrs. Chester Burden of New York City checking the names of escorts against a card catalog of names and backgrounds. According to Life, the central point of a debutante ball was to connect the eligible daughters of wealthy patricians to the eligible sons in the same social circles.

In Scarsdale, new money was often Jewish money. Since the 1940s, Jews had been moving to the town in greater numbers. Furthermore, in 1948, the Supreme Court ruled that restrictive deed covenants that excluded racial and religious groups had no legal basis. Twelve years earlier, The Cockburns, a couple who had purchased a home for $20,000 in Edgemont Hills, a neighborhood bordering Scarsdale just a mile from the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less, were forced to give it up. The house had a covenant that stipulated no Negros could buy it (although they could be employed as servants). Mrs.Cockburn was of mixed parentage and very light skinned, her husband was dark skinned. Although the court recognized that there was no legal definition of what a Negro was, the judge deciding the case used the dictionary definition to find that the Cockburns were negroes because they were ‘colored’ in appearance.

Scarsdale’s demographic changed dramatically between 1940-1960. Carol A. O’Connor estimates that by 1960 Scarsdale was 42% Protestant, 35 % Jewish and 18% Catholic. In spite of this, town residents remained coreligionists, even though the town’s excellent public school system was religiously integrated. While parents worked together for the Parent Teacher Association., they remained separate socially. By 1960, this dichotomy of integrating children of different religions at school, while segregating them socially, had been occurring for twenty years, creating a situation where the children were old enough to date and develop serious feelings for one and other. Thus, it was inevitable the status quo would be challenged.

Louis Lustenberger (husband of Virginia Lustenberger, co-founder of the Holly Ball)  was president of W.T. Grant, which had department stores in the deep south with segregated lunch counters that were being targeted by civil rights demonstrators. In April 1960, Lustenberger had been at a stockholders’ meeting in New York when he was questioned by a member of the Congress for Racial Equality about his stores’ segregated lunch counters. According to the New York Times article, “W.T. Grant Defends Racial Bar,” (April 27, 1960), Lustenberger said, “The chain’s policy on serving Negros at its lunch counters was governed completely by local customs. Those are customs we can’t change. As attitudes and customs change, our practices will change promptly.” Similar customs were placed in the public eye after the Reverend Kempsell gave his Holly Ball sermon.

Michael Hernstadt was well known to the congregation of the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less and members of the Scarsdale Golf Club. Pamela Nottage Mueller recalls that she and her mother were surprised when they found out that certain people at a tea prior to the Holly Ball said they did not want Michael to attend the ball. “He was at the club more than I was, often playing golf with friends,” Pam recalls. When asked about his participation at church she exclaimed “he was an acolyte.”

After Kempsell’s sermon became national news, Pamela explained what happened at the tea to Stephen Pelletiere, a journalist for the Denver Post: “Over tea, one of the ladies on the Holly Ball Dance Subcommittee mentioned to Pamela and her mother that they “should bring guests acceptable to the club” Pamela interpreted this to mean “no Jews.” Both she and her mother believed that the ladies on the committee were referring to Michael because his father was Jewish.

After the tea, Pamela planned to return to Middlebury College where she was enrolled as a freshmen. She informed her mother that if the committee didn’t want Michael to attend the ball she would withdraw. Reflecting on her decision fifty years later, Pamela told me, “I was not trying to make a civil rights stand or anything. I just wanted to spend the Christmas holiday with my boyfriend.” Ruth Nottage called her friend Janet Craft, honorary chairman of the Holly Ball that year. Mrs. Craft informed Ruth that Michael would not work out as an escort “on racial grounds because he is Jewish.”#

I spoke with the late Mrs.Craft’s daughter, Carol Ann Craft Schaeffer, also a debutante at the Holly Ball that year. “My mother had nothing against Michael personally. She was just trying to do what she thought the others on the committee expected her to do.” She says that she and Michael had been friends. He had taught her how to drive in exchange for a haircut. “He was a nice boy. He didn’t wear a leather jacket or anything,” Carol Ann recalls. “At the time I didn’t think anything about it. Now I see a correlation with the Barack Obama birth controversy. It’s like they don’t have any other reason to deny a person’s legitimacy so they go after the person’s father. Just say that my mother didn’t have the guts to stand up to the other women on the committee.” After the Reverend Kempsell’s sermon, the people in Scarsdale and its surrounding environs would begin to openly question the legitimacy of the people who had considered themselves the town’s elite since its inception; Protestants who attended Scarsdale’s oldest church, St.James the Less and its oldest country club, The Scarsdale Golf Club.

Ruth Nottage was dismayed by the reaction of the dance subcommittee to Michael Hernstadt. He was a frequent dinner guest at the Nottage home. She had to iron his high school graduation gown the previous year because he had no one else to do it for him and didn’t know how. His parents didn’t bother to attend the event. Regarding the Holly Ball, Pamela had simply said she wasn’t going, so Ruth informed her friends on the committee that her daughter had withdrawn and would not “come out” on December 27.

Eighteen other debutantes did come out. The event was covered extensively by The Scarsdale Inquirer and a five paragraph article on page twenty-five  of The New York Times. The Times reported that the young women “wore long white ball gowns, long white gloves and sparkling rhinestone tiaras. They carried sprays of holly.” It was the seventh annual Holly Ball but it was not going to be a lucky number seven.

Weather predictions for New Year’s Day 1961 had called for snow, but it fell further upstate canceling church services. In Scarsdale the New Year dawned in a cold damp mist. After the morning service, the Reverend Kempsell was taken aside by a  parishioner from his congregation who told him about the Holly Ball Dance Subcommittee’s rejection of Michael Hernstadt as an escort. This  parishioner had been baptized Episcopalian at a young age but his birth parents were Jewish. In fact the parishioner’s birth mother had left Nazi Germany just as the laws depriving German Jews of their civil rights, The Nuremberg Laws, were passed. Referring to the Holly Ball, the parishioner asked the Rector to “keep the matter in mind.”#

The following weekend, Kempsell made phone calls to the parties involved with the recent Holly Ball. Three of the members of the Holly Ball Dance Subcommittee and at least two of the club’s ruling Board of Governors belonged to St. James the Less Episcopal Church. There is no record of what was said during the telephone conversations. Father Kempsell took umbrage that anyone of good character would be determined undesirable due to faith or race. He would note in his sermon that he respected the fact that a private club was free to make its own rules and regulations. He would also note that as the rector of the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less, he had to answer to a higher authority. Kempsell was duty-bound to react to what had happened to a  young man he had baptized and seen confirmed in front of a Bishop, who in fact supported him in speaking out.

According to his New York Times obituary by Joseph Berger, Bishop Horace W.B. Donegan had taken several civil rights stands during his decade-long tenure as the Episcopal bishop of New York. Bishop Donegan called for his church to recognize its “sins of segregation.” Upon becoming Bishop of the Episcopal Diocese in New York in 1950, Donegan had insisted that attention be given to the impoverished black and Latino neighborhoods of Manhattan. He took money to be used for the Episcopal Cathedral of St.John the Divine and used it for programs to help New York City’s poor. He took public stands against segregation, Apartheid in South Africa and prayer in public schools. When John F. Kennedy was running for President, Bishop Donegan stated in a sermon that Kennedy’s Catholicism should have no bearing on whether the public should vote for him or not. George Kempsell must have known that he would have his superior’s full support as he dealt with his congregation’s bigotry against a fellow parishioner.

The fact that Kempsell had prepared a statement for the press served as evidence to many at the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less that he handled the matter of the Holly Ball in a manner that was too public. Headlines in the local Scarsdale Inquirer and the New York Times that claimed that the rector of an Episcopal Church in Scarsdale, New York, had excommunicated parishioners for an act of anti-Semitism, certainly shamed those associated within the church and the golf club.

In An American Dilemma, his two-volume masterwork about racism in the United States, sociologist Gunnar Myrdal studied life under Jim Crow in the segregated south. He had specifically written about the need for “publicity” to shine a light on racial bigotry in the United States. Publicity would force Americans who valued the American Creed to confront the problem of segregation and the denial of civil rights to African Americans. Myrdal’s seminal work was a cornerstone of the Supreme Court’s Brown vs. Board of Education decision that made segregation in public schools illegal.# The Reverend Kempsell would find the same call for publicity in the Episcopal Church’s Book of Common Prayer. He quoted it to John W. Stevens in the page one New York Times article about his Holly Ball sermon: “If among those who come to be partakers of the Holy Communion the minister shall know any…to have done any wrong to his neighbors by word or by deed, so that the congregation be thereby offended; he shall advertise him, that he presume not to come to the Lord’s Table, until he have openly declared himself to have truly repented and amended his former evil life….” By barring Hernstadt from the dance for being “Jewish,” those on the Holly Ball Committee and the other club members who had remained silent had sinned because they did not recognize the fact that Hernstadt had been baptized. Sinners are not allowed to receive communion unless they have acknowledged their sin. Reverend Kempsell had ascertained that they had not; so he was duty-bound to forbid them communion.

No one likes to be publicly shamed. In this case the people who were shamed were wealthy and powerful. They had reason to believe that what occurred at their place of worship and at their private club should have been handled privately. St. James the Less was a “high” church, and the Reverend Kempsell and Bishop Donegan were viewed, in the way Catholic priests and bishops are, as special conduits to God who had exceptional power over their flock in matters of faith and life. But as an Episcopal rector, Kempsell was a paid employee of the members of St. James the Less. He was going out on a limb as he prepared his Holly Ball sermon and his statement to the press. He had the power to punish members of his congregation for bigotry, but they would have the power to punish him for shaming them. The church members paid the reverend’s salary, provided him with a car and a home on Rochambeau Road, just around the corner from St. James the Less. No one better understood the power of the purse than the citizens of Scarsdale and the other towns and neighborhoods of Westchester County where the congregants of St. James resided.

The son of one of the Scarsdale Golf Club’s Governors in 1960 remains angry with Reverend Kempsell to this day. His family was not in church for the sermon but he has strong feelings about what happened. “My mother used to joke that St .James the Less was jinxed. There had been a lot of problems with previous rectors. Two left for the Catholic church, and then Kempsell. As he delivered that sermon, club members stood up and just walked out. Some never came back. A lot of money left that church as a result of what he did. The truth is some old lady called Mrs. Nottage on the telephone and said Michael couldn’t come to the dance because he was Jewish. Most of the membership didn’t know what was going on with the Holly Ball. The Reverend Kempsell needlessly dragged the club through the mud. He ended up in obscurity somewhere and rightfully so.”

       At the time, the key issue for many members of the golf club was the idea that as a private club it was their business who could attend as a guest. For them, the Holly Ball sermon represented an invasion of their privacy.

Once the story appeared on page one of The New York Times, it spread like wild fire. The story went out on the wire services, appearing in newspapers across the nation under the headline “Youth Barred from Country Club Because He is Jewish.” Time, Newsweek and Life magazines all sent reporters to cover the story.

Life magazine portrayed the Holly Ball story with a  photo spread containing the  headline Rebuked for Bigotry. Photos included the Reverend Kempsell standing on the icy sidewalk outside his church with his neighbor the Suffragan Bishop of Westchester J. Stuart Wettmore outside St. James the Less; high school yearbook photos of Pamela Nottage and Michael Hernstadt; and a beautiful photo of the 1960 Holly Ball debutantes.  The machinations of adults had created the Holly Ball Affair, but it was the young people who paid the price. The debutantes would forever be linked with bigotry, despite the fact that none of them had any power over what happened.

Time Magazine’s report was accompanied by another report from Virginia, where two bishops were being forced to apologize for calling members of the Episcopal Church’s Committee for Racial Equality “communists” because they had recommended an end to miscegenation laws that forbid marriage between whites and Negros in eleven states.

Newsweek took a tongue-in-cheek approach to the story in its January 23 issue: “Scarsdale is a community of business executives and professional men located in Westchester County, 40 minutes from midtown New York. Here some 18,000 Christians and Jews live in peace and the familiar pattern of mutually agreeable segregation. The Country Clubs are Separate and Equal.” Newsweek noted that Kempsell’s telephone was constantly ringing as a result of the controversy and that he had never engaged in any public controversy before. He reiterated his central reason for his action: “there is no such thing as a second class Christian.”

Television news crews and reporters descended upon St. James the Less Church and the Nottage home in the Edgemont Hills section of Hartsdale because Ruth Nottage was identified as the mother of the girl who had withdrawn from the ball. She had told New York Times reporter John W. Stevens that she was proud of the way her daughter Pam and her rejected escort Michael Hernstadt had handled the situation. Her husband Paul Nottage had stated that Kempsell was “a true man of God.”  Stevens reported that the church was filled to capacity for Kempsell’s 11 a.m. service and that everyone he spoke to supported the rector’s actions. Stevens followed up his page-one story on the Holly Ball with four more stories, all detailing support of Kempsell’s Holly Ball stand by Episcopal Church leaders and ministers of other Christian faiths.

The story played out nationally as well. The Salt Lake City Tribune ran the story on page five next to a photograph of Nazis picketing the opening of the film Exodus at the Saxon Movie Theater in Boston, Massachusetts. In Kentucky, the Middleboro Daily News noted that “sophisticated Scarsdale, N.Y., was abusing the principle of brotherhood among men in the same way as the people of New Orleans who jeered a little black girl for attending an integrated preschool. The Colorado Springs Gazette was able to get a quote from Michael Hernstadt, who was back at school at the University of Boulder. Michael’s response to the commotion in Scarsdale was worthy of those on the front lines of the civil rights movement. “I bear no grudges against those country club people. Some of my best friends are members. I would be discriminating myself if I had any hard feelings…I’ve learned to live with this kind of thing. Anybody with a Jewish parent does.” In a sad, strange way, Michael was still dealing with the fact that his chosen faith was not recognized by the world at large. In print he was described as Jewish, even though he was Christian, his mother was Catholic and his family had never engaged in religious worship. He truly had been victimized by the same type of ethnic stereotyping employed by the Nazis. When asked by Times reporter Stevens about the Holly Ball Affair, Rabbi David Greenberg explained, “The issue is racial, not religious. No Jew could have escaped the camps by becoming a Christian.” Upon winning a school desegregation case in the nearby town of New Rochelle, one of the nine plaintiffs, Mrs. Wilbert Taylor said she hoped that the victory “would end Northern-brand segregation…and I hope it works in Scarsdale and other places too.” Scarsdale had become known as a town full of haters.

At the time of the Holly Ball, Kempsell’s choir director at St. James the Less was Robert Roth. I spoke with his wife Nancy Roth  in October 2010. She informed me that after the Holly Ball sermon and the attention it brought to Scarsdale, “you didn’t want people to know that you were from Scarsdale. For a long time afterwards, I wouldn’t let people know where I was from. There was quite a stigma attached to it.”

Through it all, the Scarsdale Golf Club’s President Charles S. McAllister and the Board of Governors remained silent. McAllister had told John W. Stevens that he would have no comment on Reverend Kempsell’s sermon, reminding the reporter that he had stated in the sermon that the golf club was private and therefore had the right to make its own policies. But as January progressed it became evident that a wound had been opened in the town of Scarsdale. Angry letters criticizing the golf club appeared in the Scarsdale Inquirer.  Area residents decried religious prejudice and applauded the Reverend Kempsell. Theodore Tannenwald, a local Democrat, referenced the Cold War, pointing out that America was engaged in a “deadly worldwide struggle…our success in that struggle will depend on the image which was as a nation reflected to the world at large…Intolerance evinced by the Scarsdale Golf Club’s policies can only help to destroy that image.” Peggy Comfort was dismayed by “the fantastic underhanded segregation” that existed in the North, “not just by color but by creed.” Another resident wondered why a discriminatory country club, the actual location of which was over the town line in Hartsdale, should be allowed to call itself the Scarsdale Golf Club. In its second editorial on the matter, the Scarsdale Inquirer lamented, “the storm arising out of the disclosure that a youth of Jewish background had been denied admittance to the Holly Ball has raged over Scarsdale for a week, and has focused the attention of the nation on the village to an extent unequaled in its history…unless steps are taken by the leaders of Scarsdale the bitterness engendered over the holidays will remain for a long time.” The Inquirer was sadly prescient. Although he was only an elementary school student at the time, Eric Dentler’s recollection of Scarsdale during the 1960’s is that “the lovely little town was very divided.” Dentler’s father, Robert, was a professor of sociology at Columbia University. Robert Dentler had great distaste for the genteel prejudice practiced by the members of country clubs. An outspoken proponent of the need for integration between mostly black urban schools and white suburban schools, Dentler would move his family to the suburbs of Boston, Massachusetts, in 1971. He became the architect of Boston’s controversial school desegregation plan that had been ordered by Federal Court Judge Arthur Garrity.

The Scarsdale Golf Club’s leadership read the writing on the wall. An emergency meeting of the club’s board of governors was held on Saturday, January 21, 1961. Twelve of the fifteen governors attended the meeting, which lasted for ninety minutes. They voted 9-3 to draft “a letter of clarification” to all of the club member families. Holly Ball founder Viola Hirtz’s husband  Theodore cast one of the votes in support of the letter which was meant to clarify the fact that the club had no formal rules barring guests on the basis of race or religion. Charles S. McAlister called John W. Stevens at the New York Times to inform him of the club’s decision. When Stevens asked if the letter of clarification meant that members of the club could invite anyone to the Scarsdale Golf Club regardless of race, creed or color, McAlister responded, “My answer would have to be, yes.”

The Holly Ball Affair had lasted for just three weeks but it had a profound influence on life in Scarsdale. The Democratic Committee of Scarsdale’s governing body, the Town Club, passed a resolution supporting Kempsell’s brave stand against bigotry and tried to pass a resolution that would have prohibited any member of the Holly Ball Dance Subcommittee or Scarsdale Golf Club Board of Governors from holding public office in town. Republican leader Harry Parker Quinn told the Scarsdale Inquirer that Kempsell and the young man barred from the Holly Ball had his full sympathy and support but that the Democratic Town Committee was committing an equally egregious act by trying to bar certain people from public office. Quinn felt that the Democrats on the Town Club were behaving just like the people at the golf club whose actions they deplored. People started suggesting the need for a public pool in which everyone could enjoy during the hot summer months.

The Scarsdale Pool, a public pool open to all town residents was eventually built. The following Christmas, the first public unrest regarding the display of the Nativity during the Christmas holiday occurred when The Hartsdale School Board chose not to display the crèche at Hartsdale Jr.High. According to a December 1961  editorial in The Scarsdale Inquirer the creche had been displayed at Hartsdale Jr.High for the past 20 years.In its editorial on the subject, The Inquirer noted that relations between Catholics, Protestants and Jews were more tense than they had ever been. This may have been partially due to the Reverend Kempsell’s Holly Ball sermon and the attention it recieved. It is one thing for members of a religious group to maintain separateness by choice but quite another to feel that one’s child has been ostracized as an inferior due to a parent’s religious background. Eleven months earlier The Inquirer had dubbed the relationship between members of different faiths “ polite non-intercoure” Now resentment over the status quo and the genteel bigotry that accompanied it had been brought to the surface. Perhaps this was a necessary step to a more religiously pluralistic relationship between members of different faiths.

In Scarsdale, the argument over whether the crèche could be displayed on public property would run hot and cold for the next twenty years. A case was brought to the Supreme Court in 1985. According to a 28 March 1985 article in The New York Times, the court deadlocked 4-4 so a lower court ruling allowing the creche to be displayed on public property on the basis of freedom of speech was allowed to stand. No legal precedent regarding the display of the creche on public property was established.

Holly Ball founder Virginia Lustenberger’s husband Louis would be true to his words regarding W.T.Grant’s desire to end its segregated policies at its southern stores. W.T. Grant became the first company to put an African-American on its board of trustees#. Lustenberger was adamant that Asa. T.Spalding had excellent qualifications for the appointment and that he was chosen due to his business acumen. Spalding had been the President of North Carolina Mutual Insurance, an Insurance Company that had amassed $112 Million in assets by the mid 1960‘s#.

The Reverend George French Kempsell’s life would be forever altered by the Holly Ball Affair. At first he was a celebrity. The Episcopal Diocese sent him to make speeches at religious clubs in New York City. The vestry of St. James the Less passed a resolution of support for him in March 1961 with two members absent and one abstaining. But 81 members left St. James the Less in the wake of the Holly Ball Affair. Eighty-one new members joined, but there was a difference between those who arrived and those who left. Many of those who left were rich, and they took their money with them. Though these people did not make any public statements about their feelings regarding Reverend Kempsell, they let their money speak for them, donating to another Episcopal church, St. Joseph of Arimethea.

The Kempsell family’s life was upended in the wake of Father Kempsell’s sermon. He and his family received death threats. The F.B.I. became involved, and the Kempsells were removed from their home under police escort and relocated to an undisclosed location for ten days. The Reverend Kempsell was instructed to keep the matter private because it was feared that news of the threats would encourage others to do likewise. Upon returning to the house on Rochambeau Road,  the Reverend Kempsell felt compelled to purchase a large Irish Wolfhound whom the family named Jerva. Reverend Kempsell’s niece, Constance, recalls that Jerva had a habit of jumping on the uniformed policemen assigned to guard the Kempsell’s home that winter. Kempsell was hurt that more people at St. James the Less did not offer support or understanding, although many others locally and nationally had applauded him. Church historian Louise Clark suggests that many in the congregation agreed with Reverend Kempsell, but they felt he had been “too public.”

Reverend Kempsell had behaved in a provocative way in regard to the Holly Ball Affair. His actions were important, however. Peter Moskovitz recalls segregation between Christians and Jews during the 1950s to be absolute. In an e-mail, Peter said this about Kempsell’s actions, “It’s probably well to ask if the impact on the community would have been the same had he held a series of well reasoned meetings with the vestry and with those of his parishioners involved in the Golf Club’s decision. Not much, I warrant.’

The depth of bigotry that existed within the membership of the Episcopal Church in 1961 is best evidenced by a typed letter to Kempsell from a former parishioner named Chaloner Robinson, who wrote his letter on his personal stationery, which revealed that his street address was Lord’s Highway and his state of residence Connecticut. Robinson expressed disdain for Reverend Kempsell’s Holly Ball stand by citing eight reasons why “the young man” (Michael Hernstadt) should have been barred from the ball. “The youth’s apostasy is a form of expediency for social climbing. You don’t have experience of doing business with the race. A prominent Jewish leader has the audacity to bear the same last name as my own Scottish patronym. Asiatics are like railroad tracks, you can coexist with them but there should be no touching. This is part of a gate-crashing plan in Scarsdale. Step one, take a British name (against the law in some places) then become a Christian Scientist or an Episcopalian. Any club has the right to associate with their own kind. Can you excommunicate the entire Junior League? Interlopers are not welcome. This is an unalienable right. Your Jewish youth knew exactly what he was doing. A back door admission. He could care less that his escort faced rebuke. That’s the way they do things. Too many generations away form good manners. You are sincere but unwise. Christ would not have made it out to the golf club. He would have been arrested for vagrancy at Grand Central Station. Jews have their own sub groups: Einsteins and Cardozas, Cohens and Schines. We don’t want to be part of their clubs, with their too many mink coats. We don’t want to be part of the crowd on Riverside Drive, where the tribe gathers to celebrate the ones who made it and moved to the suburbs. This publicity is just their meat and you’ve served the meal. I am sick and tired of the sinuous antics of three percent of the population and deplore their ability to dupe a gullible few to pull their chestnuts from the fire. Your’s very truly, Chaloner T. Robinson.”

George F.Kempsell Jr. was ahead of his times. In 1964, a resolution was passed at the Episcopal General Convention in St. Louis, rejecting the idea of deicide, the belief that the Jews had murdered Jesus Christ. The church apologized for promoting “loveless attitudes” towards Jews.

Father Kempsell had written in one of his monthly letters to the congregation that for him, hell was the absence of God. The situation he faced regarding Michael Hernstadt’s being barred from the Holly Ball presented him with an earthly view of this hell, right in the bucolic, entitled atmosphere of Scarsdale, New York, within the walls of his own church. He acted swiftly and with a vengeance. Two years later he would pay the price for his actions.

Although he was a hero to many after the Holly Ball Affair, Kempsell’s relationship with the congregation of the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less was never the same. He stopped writing his monthly letter The Rector’s Word, which he had written every month for seven and a half years.

In March 1961, the Reverend Kempsell issued a message for Lent from Bishop Donegan. The reprinted message appeared in The Pacific Stars and Stripes on March 24, 1961. It shows that Kempsell was committed to the idea of universal brotherhood. At his church and for Christians everywhere he called for action, “the spirt of man, in order to grow and mature, must accept new challenges and responsibilities,” Kempsell wrote. “It is my hope that Christians throughout the world observing Lent will daily offer this prayer, written and authorized by the Rt. Rev. Horace W .B. Donegan, bishop of New York. ‘Oh God the Father, creator of all races, nations and peoples, we pray thee…take away prejudice and ignorance and all those evils which keep us apart and embitter life… God’s Kingdom cannot come, nor his will be done until every man acknowledges God as the Father and every person of all races, nations and peoples as his brother. Peace in the world begins with the love of the soul for God and goodwill in our hearts for our fellow men.”

It is clear from this message that Father Kempsell was following the lead of his superior, Bishop of New York Horace W .B. Donegan when he acted against those in his congregation who had rejected Michael Hernstadt from the Holly Ball. He agreed with his Bishop wholeheartedly, but he was also doing what any good employee would do, carry out his boss’s wishes. Recalling “those sad times” fifty years later, Reverend Kempsell’s son Geff stated that even without the support of his superiors “he still would have done it.”

According to the Reverend Kempsell’s niece, the Reverend Constance Coles, the Episcopal Church was at the beginning of an evolution that continues to this day. The church was transitioning from a church of the wealthy to a church concerned with the society at large. This change was occurring as a result of the mindset of men like Bishop Donegan and the Reverend Kempsell, first generation Americans who believed that the bigotry that existed in American society was a threat to the nation and to true Christian worship.

The Reverend Kempsell remained committed to the righteousness of his Holly Ball stand, even though it resulted in members of his congregation and members of the Scarsdale Golf Club feeling shamed. Those who felt shamed were intractable in their belief that the rector of St. James the Less had gone too far. A collision was bound to occur. It was just a matter of when.

Father Kempsell enjoyed being known as the brave minister who stood against bigotry in his own congregation. He continued to be an enthusiastic tennis player. He also relished water skiing on family trips to his cabin on Kezar Lake, Maine. These facts were revealed in an October 1962 New York Times article by Merrill Folsom, “Versatile Rector in Concert Role.” The article features a photo of St. James the Less parishioner Cab Calloway singing while Reverend Kempsell played the piano. Calloway enjoyed having the rector come up on stage with him to play piano during local concerts. Cab’s youngest daughter, Laelle, spoke with me by phone in November 2010. She was just a little girl in 1962, but she remembers St. James the Less as a welcoming place where she experienced acceptance.

Folsom wrote the story about Kempsell for the Times because he had become chairman of the board for the Westchester Orchestral Society. He had helped raise it from an amateur group of musicians who had practiced in a high school gymnasium to a professional orchestra that was going to perform at a United Nations Day Concert at the Westchester County Center. The other board members had asked Kempsell to read the narrative from Aaron Copland’s Lincoln Symphony during the performance. They felt it was only fitting given their chairman’s role in the Holly Ball Affair. “The dogmas of the quite past are inadequate to the stormy present…we must think anew and act anew…we must disenthrall ourselves, and then we will save our country.” These were Abraham Lincoln’s words. Many people believed they applied in 1962 as much as they had one hundred years earlier.

Nancy Moore (who later became the Reverend Nancy Roth) had known Reverend Kempsell for several years. He had introduced her to her husband Robert after hiring him as his organist and choir director. In fact, he had coaxed her to return to Scarsdale after her graduation from college by boldly stating to her that he had just hired her future husband. The Reverend Kempsell had baptized her son, and Nancy was the godmother to Kempsell’s only daughter, Martha. Nancy believes that Kempsell’s relationship with his colleagues at St.James the Less changed after The Holly Ball Affair. Reverend Wayne Schmidt was hired  by Kempsell in 1960.  During an interview conducted on  3 October, 2012 Schmidt recalled that his former boss  seemed to be insecure, perhaps intimidated by the type of people in his congregation; some of them were  powerful people  who were used to getting their way. Reverend Kempsell  had not always been like this.

When Father Kempsell had been in charge of Nancy’s  youth group during the early 1950s, he was fun loving and impetuous. Surely being the father of six young children had changed him. Caught up in the moral and spiritual imperatives of the civil rights movement and its relationship to his ministry at St. James the Less had changed him too. But once a person has had his life and the lives of his wife and children threatened as the result of his work, he can never feel completely secure in the place where these threats occurred. Kempsell could never be completely certain that his life and the lives of his wife and children were safe. Instead of giving in to it, he became more outgoing with the expression of his beliefs, more demanding of those around him. The Merrill Folsom article depicted Kempsell as the energetic, steadfast rector who put his congregation in line after the Holly Ball two years earlier. This did not sit well with those at St. James the Less who harbored resentment. In December, when new vestry members were elected, they acted against their outspoken rector.

Four members of the vestry of St. James met for lunch in Manhattan to discuss their church’s finances. Convinced that  “deficit spending” had occurred since the Holly Ball Affair, they agreed to take charge of the church’s finances. They planned to send out a letter to the entire St. James membership explaining that the church was in poor financial shape and donations were needed.

Reverend Kempsell was devastated when he found out about this meeting. On paper the church had the same amount of money for expenditures as it always had, but probably its endowment had declined when wealthier members left. The implication that his church needed to take this action hurt him, and he found the idea of asking for money humiliating. The vestry notes of January 7, 1963, dutifully recorded by church secretary John T. Van Der Heide, reveal that Father Kempsell told the vestry that the associate rectors and some of his friends on the vestry all knew how hurt he was. The meeting continued until 12:45 a.m. Later that morning, Reverend Kempsell met with one of the church wardens and spoke with Bishop Donegan by telephone. It was agreed that he and the vestry were at an impasse. Father Kempsell had to admit that the parish of St. James “was not as happy as it should be.” The mailing was cancelled when Reverend Kempsell agreed to tender his resignation, which was formally announced on January 14, 1963. The Holly Ball Affair had occurred exactly two years earlier. Seventy-two letters and 42 telegrams were submitted asking Father Kempsell to stay, but that represented only 10 percent of the church’s membership.

Kempsell had done something that would ultimately benefit the town of Scarsdale. He had exposed bigotry, which had been a part of everyday life. He had called attention to the fact that this bigotry was so evil, hollow and ridiculous that it had harshly cast out a fellow Christian to maintain social purity. The rector had caused the town of Scarsdale and some of its elite citizenry to look foolish and mean in the eyes of the nation at a time when Americans were just waking up to the idea that bigotry was contrary to the American Creed.  By speaking up, Kempsell was cast out.

No one with any influence in the community came to Reverend Kempsell’s defense. Bishop Donegan agreed with the church warden that St. James the Less needed a new rector. The Scarsdale Inquirer was under new ownership. Since 1960, Scarsdale’s local newspaper had covered the Holly Ball more thoroughly and in a more celebratory way than it had before the Holly Ball Affair. An editorial in The Inquirer  speculated that the Holly Ball had nothing to do with the differences between Reverend Kempsell and the vestry of St. James the Less.

Those in town who applauded Reverend Kempsell’s outspokenness felt certain that his departure from Scarsdale was related to the Holly Ball Affair, which had occurred two years earlier. Peter Moskovitz states, “He knew full well the social, political and economic power of the people he was dealing with; and he should have known that underhanded revenge would be theirs.” Geff Kempsell was eleven years old in 1963. Fifty years later, he recalls the two years in Scarsdale with almost visceral anguish, and even though he was just a child, he understood the tension that existed at St. James the Less between his father and those in his church who were furious with him. About the incident, Geff surmised, “They finally got him.”

At the time, the W.A.S.P. way to deal with conflict was not to scream and yell; it was to patiently wait for the chance to wield economic power and then be done with the offending party. Until the time was ripe, cold silence was the order of the day. Ruth Nottage, whose daughter Pam had withdrawn from the ball back in 1960, had experienced this first-hand during the winter of 1961. Because she had been named in the New York Times as the person who had spoken with Reverend Kempsell about events surrounding Michael Hernstadt’s rejection, Ruth’s friends at the Scarsdale Golf Club refused to speak to her. According to her daughter Cynthia Nottage, Ruth became so distraught over events surrounding the Holly Ball that she experienced a mild heart attack. By the summer of 1961, Ruth’s time in purgatory was over so far as her “friends” at the golf club were concerned. People at the club had shunned her because they believed The Holly Ball Affair would cause the termination of The Holly Ball. Once club members realized the Holly Ball was going to continue, Ruth was invited back on the “adults only” sun deck to play bridge with her friends.

The Kempsell family was given two month’s use of their car and the house on Rochambeau Road. Money was raised to make their departure easier. This presented a chance for the Kempsells to achieve a lifelong goal. They traveled to Europe for a few weeks without their six children. Upon returning, George had with him a large

bronze sculpture called Golgotha. The sculpture depicts a cross, a workbench with a saw laid next to it and a dove flying at the top. Christ was crucified at Golgotha, the place of the skull. The sculpture Golgotha depicted the workings of mankind amidst the sufferings of the Christian savior—a pattern that appeared to continue to present day. Reverend Kempsell would display the sculpture at the Episcopal Church of St. Michael and All Angels in Dallas, Texas—his new home.

While Kempsells were in Europe, two religious commentators had called out the Episcopal Church of St. James the Less and Christians, in general, for what had happened in Scarsdale. In his syndicated World of Religion column, Louis Cassels wrote, “The South is evidently not the only part of the country in which a minister may jeopardize his job by speaking out boldly against prejudice.” A community newspaper, The White Plains Reporter Dispatch, said it was “reported that the vestry was worried about continuing decline in church membership since the golf club incident” and the departure from the congregation of some “important financial supporters.” A representative of St .James the Less took issue with the decline in membership as stated in the Scarsdale Inquirer, but he did not address the loss of important financial supporters.

The Christian Century issued an angry rebuttal to U.S. Peace Corps Director R. Sargent Shriver, who had stated at the first ever National Conference on Religion and Race# that he was concerned that a person could attend church every Sunday and never hear the issue of civil rights addressed from the pulpit. The editorial detailed Reverend Kempsell’s recent experiences in Scarsdale, noting that he and his wife and six children had been ultimately kicked onto the street for speaking out. The editorial ended by asking, “Does this answer your question, Sargent Shriver?”

Geff Kempsell has vivid memories of his family’s relocation to Dallas,Texas. The family left Scarsdale in March when the trees were bare and there was snow on the ground. In Texas, he had expected to see cowboys and Indians and stagecoaches as depicted by the John Wayne movies on television. Instead he noticed that wildflowers were already in bloom alongside the highway. His family moved into a much larger home than the one they had in Scarsdale. Geff was given his own apartment above the garage.

The Reverend Kempsell was hoping for redemption, and it seemed symbolic that his first sermon at his new church coincided with Easter Sunday. He told The Dallas Morning News, “Our Lord ministers to us through the Word and the Sacraments. One of the weaknesses in the Episcopal Church is that so many priests regard preaching as secondary.” He was not recalcitrant. He believed he handled the affairs in Scarsdale correctly. The article noted that his new church was an “impressive plant”. Geff remembers that it was a church that displayed its wealth openly, recalling “gold on the walls.” Reverend Kempsell put his Golgotha sculpture on the wall in the church’s entryway. It would remain there during his two and a half years he served as rector. Then it mysteriously disappeared once he and his family left.

The Reverend Kempsell did all he could to be a dutiful rector at St. Michael and All

Angels. He was expected to do a lot of hobnobbing at local country clubs as part of the church’s fundraising efforts. Kempsell was an extrovert, who was more talkative with a crowd of people or strangers than among his own children, his daughter, Martha, recalls. According to The Dallas Morning News obituary of Reverend Kempsell in 1980, St. Michaels would become, during his tenure, the wealthiest church in its diocese.

But all was not well in Dallas or within the Kempsell household. Their Irish Wolfhound, Jerva, could not withstand the Texas heat. She died during the family’s first summer in Texas. Ruth Kempsell was diagnosed with breast cancer within a month of arriving in Texas. She survived but refused to participate in any country club fundraising. She said that she just needed to raise her six children, but likely Ruth was fed-up with country clubs.

Geff Kempsell found public middle school in Dallas to be a culture shock. He was regarded as a “Yankee.” He was shocked at the hostility his peers at school expressed towards President Kennedy and the civil rights movement. On November 22, President and Mrs. Kennedy and Vice President Lyndon Johnson and his wife, Lady Bird, were coming to Dallas as part of the president’s re-election campaign. At a luncheon scheduled that day, Kempsell was asked to deliver the convocation. However, instead of reading the prayer, Reverend Kempsell bore the sad duty to tell the crowd that their president had been shot.

On March 2,1964, Reverend Kempsell was again mentioned in a page one article in The New York Times, “Ruby to Testify, Lawyers Decide,” by Homer Bigart. The previous day he had given a sermon decrying the hostility that existed in Dallas and the nation: “Any of us who listened to the vicious hate mongering things that were said about President Kennedy shared in creating an atmosphere in which Oswald’s dastardly deed could take place.” Father Kempsell remained implacable in his beliefs about the need for Christians to change the way they had previously thought. A year later, he helped to stage a Spring concert for the Episcopal Diocese to raise money for eight charitable agencies. Again he performed the narrative to Copland’s Lincoln Symphony. Again he and his family were moving.

The Kempsells left Dallas due to “social pressures,” according to Geff Kempsell. Both the vestry of St. Michaels and All Angels and Reverend Kempsell agreed that he should seek another church. The vestry was dismayed that Ruth Kempsell would not participate in country club activities. Ruth was dismayed that they wouldn’t leave her alone to raise her children.

This time the family moved to a small church in Arvada, Colorado. Christ the King Church offered the Kempsells a small bungalow with an unfinished basement. Geff Kempsell, fifteen, had to share a room with two of his brothers. Arvada shared nothing in common with Scarsdale, New York or North Dallas, Texas. It was a farm town that had been known as “The Celery Capital” before becoming a bedroom community of Denver. George French Kempsell thrived at Christ the King.

Carol Johnson has been a congregant at Christ the King for many years. During a telephone interview, in Spring 2011, she fondly recalled her late friend and former rector: “George French Kempsell was Man of the Year in Arvada. Whenever the police needed a minister they called him. Everyone loved him. He was kind and generous and open to everyone.” Kempsell increased the membership of Christ the King. He was devoted to his congregation. When Carol gave birth to a baby boy with Spina Bifida, Father Kempsell came to see her every day. He baptized the child, which had only a few months to live. Carol told him that there was another mother with a sick baby who could not get her child baptized by the Catholic Church. The Reverend Kempsell agreed to perform the baptism. It appears that he found a way to personally minister to his congregants. He remained socially committed to the disadvantaged, maintaining a close relationship with the local food bank. To this day, people stop Geff Kempsell in the streets of Arvada to let him know how much his father meant to the community.

During the mid 1970s, the Reverend Kempsell developed prostate cancer. His congregation came to his support, badgering Bishop of Colorado Frye to make him a Rt. Reverend so that his large family could be assured of proper benefits. Ruth Kempsell was diagnosed with bone cancer a short time later. Although she was given only a short time to live, she managed to keep going. Geff Kempsell sees it as her lifelong devotion to her husband, who had shown Carol Johnson his wedding picture and said, “ she’s more beautiful than the day I married her.”

Despite his illness, the Reverend Kempsell was faced with one last civil rights issue. Women were being ordained as Episcopal priests and his niece Constance wanted to become one. He confided to Carol Johnson, “I’m afraid that Constance will ask me to stand for her at her ordination and I don’t think it is right.” Ordination of women as priests in the Episcopal Church was a very controversial issue. In Reverend Kempsell’s former diocese in Texas, a prospective female Episcopal priest needed police protection

for her ordination. The Reverend Constance Coles believes that it was Ruth Kempsell who convinced her husband to change his mind.

“I was wrong,” George Kempsell told Carol Johnson regarding his opposition to his niece being ordained. When he told a fellow Episcopal minister at a conference in Colorado that he was going to New York to stand with his niece at her ordination, the minister fainted.The Reverend Coles recalls that George Kempsell was thin and frail when he attended her ceremony in New York. It was the last time she would see him. He died on August 31, 1980. His wife Ruth died six weeks later. The Reverend Coles would be the first female to perform a funeral service (for Ruth) with Bishop Frye.

The Reverend George French Kempsell Jr.’s memorial service took place at the Episcopal Cathedral in Denver. His nephew Howard French Kempsell had recently been ordained and traveled to Denver to take part in the service. As he and Bishop Frye prepared for the service, the Bishop confided that Reverend Kempsell had been difficult, always calling him because this group or that group needed the church’s help. As the two clergymen walked into the memorial hall, The Bishop found reason to pause and give Howard a look of acknowledgment. The cathedral hall  was filled beyond capacity. In fact it was so full that people were standing in the aisles. The multitude of mourners was a  fitting testament to the Reverend Kempsell’s impact on the community he had served and to his Costly Grace; which he had achieved by challenging his parishioners, his community and himself to treat everyone equally, regardless of race, creed, color or gender.

 

 

 

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